Your comrades must wait until we can meet the needs of the peasants. Every evening our car was filled with the unfortunates of Fastov. The Bolsheviki of 1917 no longer believe in the predestined function of the bourgeoisie. Moreover, there was the general suspicion of the
He was always the same kindly gracious man, but I soon began to notice that he was being handicapped in his work by forces within his own party: most of his good intentions and decisions never saw the light. Sign in. When four years later I left with my sister for America I was no longer the German Gretchen to whom Russia spelt evil. In fact, unless one was a Communist one could accomplish almost nothing. But I was relieved of the necessity by the presence of a number of people in his office; there was no time to take the matter up. The meals consisted of soup and a little meat, sometimes fish or pancakes, and tea. They paid no attention to the other words, being terrorized by the first. The letters deal with this subject. They were determined to dispose of the foreign enemies first. The reviewer referred to also believes that it was “grim necessity, the driving need to preserve not the Revolution but the remnants of civilization, which forced the Bolsheviki to lay hands on every available weapon, the Terror, the Tcheka, suppression of free speech and press, censorship, military conscription, conscription of labour, requisitioning of peasants’ crops, even bribery and corruption.” He evidently agrees with me that the Communists employed all these methods; and that, as he himself states, “the ‘means’ largely determines the ‘end’” — a conclusion the proof and demonstration of which are contained in my book. It is by these alone that the Bolsheviki secure a majority. It had thrown the door wide open to the worst human passions, and discredited the ideals of the Revolution. I had occasion to discuss these matters with many Communists and I doubted the efficacy of the new policy. They were only made to believe that that is the function of a revolution.’ In reality, the masses remained where they had been before. Shatov explained that he had been ordered not to meet us at the border, to prevent his giving us our first impressions of Soviet Russia.
“The Bolsheviki care not about merit,” he said “their chief concern is a membership card.” He was not enthusiastic about the future of the Museum, yet believed that the cooperation of the “Americans” would aid its proper development. At the Putilov office we were cordially received, shown about the various departments, and then turned over to a guide. Early in May two young men from the Ukraina arrived in Petrograd. She was from the Petrograd Museum of the Revolution and she called to inquire whether I would take charge of the Museum branch work in Moscow. Some may even exploit the fact to discredit my veracity. Did you see any shortage of food there? A peculiar people, these Russians, saint and devil in one, manifesting the highest as well as the most brutal impulses, capable of almost anything except sustained effort.
The Museum of the Revolution is housed in the Winter Palace, in the suite once used as the nursery of the Tsar’s children. I had several conferences with Doctor Pervukhin, but they led to no practical result. The monks still continued to show to the curious the sacred caves of the Vladimir Cathedral and the places where the saints had been walled in, their ossified bodies now on exhibition. To organize a Russian society for American freedom was my plan. “Food shortage!” the man exclaimed; “look at the markets. On the Russian border we were met by a committee of the Soviet Government, headed by Zorin. On the chairman’s desk I noticed a copy of such a chart, looking like a futurist picture, all lined and dotted with red, blue, and purple. Five months later, in April, 1918, machine guns were used to destroy the Moscow Anarchist Club and to suppress their Press. They had become convinced that all was not well with the Bolshevik régime: they had come to realize that the dictatorship of the proletariat was in the exclusive hands of the Communist Party, while the common worker was enslaved as much as ever. Before I left the ladies supplied me with a collection of the childrenÌs work and some exquisite colour drawings by Miss Korolenko, begging me to send the things to America as specimens of their labours. There they worked from nine in the morning till three in the afternoon, devoting their leisure time to their school. We reached the strip of enclosure where the prisoners used to be permitted a half-hour’s recreation. Why are we kept here?” Indeed, they did not exert themselves, those stalwart sons of Russia’s soil. On reaching the large open square in front of the main Moscow station I was amazed at the sight of busy crowds, cabbies, and porters. I was disturbed. I noticed that she looked more worn and distressed than when I had seen her in Moscow.
She was entirely absorbed in the fate of the Revolution and of her beloved peasantry. But I cannot agree with them that persecution and constant shooting will serve the interests of the people or of the Revolution. People looked at us in amazement when we made inquiries about the condition of the cathederal: they had not heard the Moscow report. It gave me nothing. The latter looked with envy upon the pupils of the favoured schools and believed that they were only for Communist children, which in reality was not the case. Visitors were daily taken through the vaults, the accompanying priests pointing out the cells of the celebrated martyrs and reciting the biographies of the most important of the holy family.
All along the route the waiting rooms and platforms were filled with crowds, bedraggled and dirty. The bakers laughed. The argument that destruction and terror are part of revolution I do not dispute.
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